It is the era of disavowal of
Trump. Long despised by anti-racists and
humanists of many stripes, his foreign policy has now even offended US empire
builders, leaving us with an overlap of interests between those who wish to
scuttle Trump’s overt policies of hate and those who hate to see US power
decrease in the world. Whether via impeachment or election, the time has come
for a new carrier of the torch. That person will almost certainly be a
Democrat, one who is “liberal” enough to appear to support human rights,
justice and democracy but who is also committed to the maximization of US economic
and political influence, just more nicely done.
What could be more ironic and
cruel than witnessing the increasingly racist and nationalist mistreatment and
expulsion of Haitians following the devastation wrought by hurricane Dorian in
the Bahamas? How does a former victim of British colonialism become a fount of
racist nationalism itself? How do the citizens of the only land to have
overthrown slavery in modern history deserve this treatment? Because,
unfortunately, racism and nationalism are the strategies with which governments
around the globe retain power.
Today a group of about 35 UAW members and other unionists took a bus from New York City to join the picket line at the GM parts distribution center in Langhorne, Pa. We spent several hours with the six or so strikers, who were occupying a space filled with chairs, tents, food and a firepit donated by many supporters who have come from local schools and other shops. They were in high spirits and very glad to see us, and we learned a lot about their situation. We also learned that 3000 Mack truck workers struck last night at midnight in nearby Allentown – strke fever may be spreading.
bankruptcy of General Motors (GM) in 2009, the United Auto Workers (UAW)
misleaders allowed GM to reduce wages, health benefits and job security. GM
retirees have had to endure pension cuts and healthcare reductions. The
reduction in wages was mostly accomplished through a tiered pay system.
On September 14, members of Close
the Camps (closethecamps.us) in New York City occupied the showy Microsoft
store on 5th Ave. to protest Microsoft’s $19.4 million contract with
Immigration and Custom Enforcement (ICE). Some protestors entered the store,
dropped banners and fake bloodstained money and occupied the main floor.
Another three rows of demonstrators blocked the front door with signs and
banners, while chanting against collusion with ICE, border walls, racism and
fascism. Although the police arrived quickly, Microsoft told them to back off,
and the action continued unabated for two hours. Meanwhile, other demonstrators
took up residence across the street after marching across midtown. Eventually,
the occupiers moved to block traffic on Manhattan’s central 5th Ave.
and were arrested, 76 in all. The ensuing publicity forced Microsoft, whose
store was closed for the entire day, to issue a statement. They tried to appear
innocent by denying involvement in locking up children and claiming to be
multiracial and multinational, but they were forced to admit that “our current
cloud engagement with ICE is supporting legacy mail, calendar, messaging and
document management workloads.”
Red, as in blood. The summer of 1919 earned this label not only because the murderous nature of American white racism was on full display, but mass armed resistance by its black targets became the frequent reaction. In many instances, law enforcement, federal troops and the judicial system aided or abetted racist violence. Often they raised the specter of the red, as in communist, menace to justify themselves. Occasionally whites and blacks reacted together against racist attacks. When, more often, they did not the struggle was weakened, a struggle for safety and jobs that could benefit all.
In Bring the War Home, University of Chicago History Professor Kathleen Belew presents a picture of the broad and coordinated nature of the white power movement, which ultimately aims to destroy the U.S. Government and establish an all-white state. She provides convincing evidence that many supposedly “lone wolf” attacks are actually part of this grand conspiracy, most notably the 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal Builing in Oklahoma City, which killed 168 people and for which Timothy McVeigh was executed. She documents that federal agencies have long been aware of the mass character of the white power movement, and yet law enforcement and justice agencies have not responded in proportion to the threat, and the media has almost completely ignored its cohesive character. Although the author sees violent white power at home as a consequence of a violent foreign policy, what she does not consider is whether the growth of such a mass racist movement is useful to those in power. Nor does she contrast the undersized response to it with the aggressive targeting of foreign-inspired terrorism or left-leaning opponents of racism. She also does not discuss the extent and success of anti-racist opposition to white power activities. Continue reading “A Book Review: ON THE MATTER OF WHITE POWER IN THESE UNITED STATES”